Augustus: Biography, The Founder of the Roman Empire

Augustus’s biography tells the story of Rome’s first emperor, who transformed the Roman Republic into a powerful empire. He rose to power in 27 BC and ruled until his death in AD 14, ushering in the Pax Romana, a time of peace and stability. This life story highlights Augustus’s key reforms and political skills, which laid the groundwork for Rome’s enduring success.

Early Names and Ascension as Augustus

Throughout his life, Augustus was known by several names, reflecting changes in his status, achievements, and Roman societal norms. His naming history provides insight into his rise to power and the establishment of his legacy.

• Gaius Octavius. Born Gaius Octavius, he was initially known by this name. In 60 BC, as a toddler, he was nicknamed Thurinus, a nod to his ancestor’s victory at Thurii. Despite later attempts by his political rival, Mark Antony, to use this name pejoratively, Octavius dismissed the insult, noting his surprise that his old name could be derogatory.¹
• Gaius Julius Caesar. Following the death of his great-uncle Julius Caesar in 44 BC, Octavius was adopted in Caesar’s will and took the name Gaius Julius Caesar. Historians often add “Octavianus” after his name to indicate his origin from the gens Octavia and to distinguish him from his adoptive father. From his adoption until his title change in 27 BC, he is primarily known in English as Octavian.
• Imperator Caesar. As Octavian began to consolidate power, he adopted the title Imperator, a term denoting supreme military command. This title reflected his ascent in Rome’s political hierarchy and was a precursor to his eventual role as the sole ruler. His early coins and inscriptions referred to him as Gaius Caesar, but by 38 BC, he prominently used Imperator. He sometimes included the title divi filius or divi Iuli(i) filius, “son of the divine Julius,” after Julius Caesar’s deification in 42 BC.
• Imperator Caesar Augustus. The definitive shift in his identity came on January 16, 27 BC, when he was granted the honorific title Augustus by his insistence and the Roman Senate’s agreement. From this point until he died in AD 14, he is historically referred to as Augustus,² though the name “Augustus Caesar” is also used, merging his adopted family name with his imperial title.

Early Life

Augustus, known initially as Gaius Octavius, was born in Rome on September 23, 63 BC. His birthplace was Ox Head, a modest property located on Palatine Hill near the bustling Roman Forum. He hailed from a distinguished family originating in the Volscian town of Velletri, situated about 40 kilometers southeast of Rome.

The Octavian family was highly respected in Velletri, evidenced by a street and an altar dedicated to an ancestral hero from their lineage. To honor his father’s military victory at Thurii, he was given the cognomen “Thurinus” during his infancy, a name later used by his political rivals to belittle him.

I found Rome a city of brick and left it a city of marble.

Augustus

Raised primarily in Velletri due to the crowded nature of Rome, his upbringing was under the watchful eyes of his grandmother, Julia, following his father’s early death when Augustus was only four years old. His father had been the governor of Macedonia, and his mother, Atia, was a niece of Julius Caesar. After his father’s death, his mother remarried Lucius Marcius Philippus, a man with claims of descent from Alexander the Great and a former consul of Rome. However, Philippus showed minimal interest in young Octavian, who received his formative care from his grandmother until she died in his early teens.

Upon donning the toga virilis, marking his transition to manhood at fifteen, Augustus was elected to the College of Pontiffs. His early responsibilities included organizing the Greek games in honor of the Temple of Venus Genetrix, which Julius Caesar had built. His desire to join Caesar’s military campaigns was initially thwarted by his mother’s reluctance and health issues, delaying his travel to Hispania to join Caesar against Pompey. Despite these setbacks, he demonstrated resilience; after recovering from illness, he survived a shipwreck and navigated hostile territory to reach Caesar’s camp, which greatly impressed his future benefactor.

Rise to Power

From Heir to Emperor

After the assassination of his adoptive father, Julius Caesar, on March 15, 44 BC, Octavian found himself at a critical juncture while studying and training militarily in Apollonia, Illyria. Ignoring advice to seek refuge with troops in Macedonia, he instead sailed directly to Italy to assess his political opportunities and safety. At this time, Caesar had no legitimate children under Roman law, making Octavian, his grand-nephew whom he had adopted through his will, his primary heir.

Upon arriving in Italy and learning the details of Caesar’s will in Lupiae near Brundisium, Octavian decided to claim his inheritance and step into Caesar’s political shoes as his designated heir. Mark Antony accused Octavian of obtaining his adoption through questionable methods, which was widely perceived as a deliberate attempt to tarnish his reputation and credibility. Octavian, now assuming the name Gaius Julius Caesar, sidestepped the customary addition of Octavianus to his name, likely to distance himself from his more modest beginnings.

With limited resources, Octavian’s immediate challenge was securing the necessary funds to support his claim to power. He was greeted warmly by Caesar’s soldiers in Brundisium and demanded access to the substantial military funds Caesar had allocated for an intended campaign against the Parthian Empire. These funds, which amounted to 700 million sesterces and were stored in Brundisium, were crucial for Octavian to establish his military force. Despite a later senatorial investigation into the disappearance of these public funds, Octavian faced no repercussions, as he had strategically used the money to raise troops against the Senate’s archenemy, Mark Antony.

Octavian also audaciously claimed the annual tribute from Rome’s provinces in the Near East, boosting his financial standing. He capitalized on his status as Caesar’s heir to attract the loyalty of Caesar’s veteran legionaries and troops designated for the Parthian campaign. By mid-44 BC, Octavian had successfully amassed an army of 3,000 loyal veterans by offering each a bonus of 500 denarii.

Power Struggles

Upon his arrival in Rome on May 6, 44 BC, Octavian was thrust into a complex political landscape. The city was tense, with consul Mark Antony, a former ally of Julius Caesar, navigating an uneasy ceasefire with Caesar’s assassins. Although the assassins had been granted a general amnesty on March 17, Antony had managed to turn public opinion against them with a stirring eulogy at Caesar’s funeral that had driven most of them from Rome.

At this time, Mark Antony was consolidating his political base. Yet, he faced decreasing support among the Roman populace and Caesar’s followers due to his initial resistance to the proposal that Caesar be deified. Further complicating matters, Antony was accused of withholding funds that were rightfully Octavian’s, as he was Caesar’s adopted heir. This accusation suggested Antony was delaying the transfer under the pretext of separating the funds from state resources.

During the summer, Octavian capitalized on these tensions, garnering the support of veterans loyal to Caesar while aligning with senators who viewed Antony as a potential threat to the stability of the state. Although there were efforts by the veterans to broker peace between Octavian and Antony, Antony’s aggressive directives against Brutus and Cassius further estranged him from moderate Caesarians in the Senate, heightening fears of a possible civil war.

By September, the situation escalated as Marcus Tullius Cicero launched a vehement campaign against Antony, delivering speeches that painted him as a danger to the republic. These speeches amplified the political strife, positioning Octavian as a credible contender against Antony in the post-Caesar era’s struggle for power and influence.

The Clash with Mark Antony

As his consular year approached its end and faced growing opposition in Rome, Mark Antony attempted to secure the province of Cisalpine Gaul through legislation. Meanwhile, Octavian was fortifying his position by forming a private army in Italy composed primarily of veterans loyal to Caesar. On November 28, he successfully persuaded two of Antony’s legions to switch allegiances with promises of monetary rewards.

Recognizing the threat posed by Octavian’s formidable forces, Antony left Rome for Cisalpine Gaul, which was set to be transferred to him on January 1. However, the province was already under the command of Decimus Junius Brutus Albinus, one of Caesar’s assassins, who refused to relinquish control. This defiance led Antony to lay siege to Brutus at Mutina. Despite the Senate’s resolutions calling for an end to the conflict, they lacked the military strength to enforce these demands, allowing Octavian to assert his military presence.

Supported by Cicero, who spoke highly of Octavian’s virtues in contrast to Antony’s criticisms, the Senate inducted Octavian as a senator on January 1, 43 BC. They granted him the power to vote with former consuls and bestowed upon him imperium pro praetore, legitimizing his command of troops. Octavian was tasked to lift the siege at Mutina alongside consuls Hirtius and Pansa. By January 7, Octavian officially assumed the fasces, marking this date as the start of his public career.

Antony’s forces were subsequently defeated at the battles of Forum Gallorum and Mutina in April, forcing him to retreat to Transalpine Gaul. Despite both consuls perishing in the conflict, leaving Octavian in sole command of their armies, the Senate favored Decimus Brutus with accolades over Octavian. In response to the Senate’s attempt to transfer command of the consular legions to Decimus Brutus, Octavian remained in the Po Valley, declining to participate in further offensives against Antony.

In July, Octavian escalated his demands by sending a delegation of centurions to Rome to claim the consulship left vacant by Hirtius and Pansa and reverse Antony’s declaration as a public enemy. Upon refusal, Octavian marched on Rome with eight legions and faced no resistance. On August 19, 43 BC, he was elected consul alongside his relative Quintus Pedius. Concurrently, Antony was building an alliance with Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, another influential Caesar supporter.

Impact of the Second Triumvirate in 43 BC

Proscriptions

In October 43 BC, Octavian, Mark Antony, and Lepidus formed a powerful alliance known as the Second Triumvirate near Bononia. Officially sanctioned by the Senate on November 27, this alliance was legally endowed with broad powers for five years, a stark contrast to the informal First Triumvirate of Pompey, Julius Caesar, and Marcus Licinius Crassus. Unlike its predecessor, the Second Triumvirate’s establishment was formalized by laws approved by the plebs.

Following their official formation, the triumvirs initiated a series of proscriptions, a politically motivated act that labeled between 130 and 300 senators and about 2,000 equities as outlaws. These individuals were stripped of their properties and, if not escaped, their lives. This drastic measure was largely fueled by the need to fund their armies for the impending battle against Caesar’s assassins, Marcus Junius Brutus and Gaius Cassius Longinus. The proscribed faced deadly consequences, with rewards offered for their capture and their assets seized to finance the Triumvirate’s military needs.

The historical accounts of who bore the greatest responsibility for these severe actions vary among Roman historians. Some sources claim that while Octavian sought to minimize the number of officials included in these proscriptions, Lepidus and Antony were more aggressive in their implementation, driven by their longer tenures in politics and, thus, a larger number of adversaries. Cassius Dio suggests that Octavian was more inclined to spare lives where possible, contrasting with the older triumvirs’ broader targeting of political rivals. Conversely, Appian argued that Octavian was equally invested in using the proscriptions to eliminate threats. Suetonius portrayed Octavian as somewhat reluctant but assertive in targeting his adversaries once committed.

The brutal nature of the proscriptions also involved personal sacrifices among the triumvirs. Notable instances included Octavian’s sanctioning of the proscription of his ally, Cicero, Antony allowing the targeting of his uncle, Lucius Julius Caesar, and Lepidus permitting the proscription of his brother, Paullus.

Battle of Philippi and Its Aftermath

On January 1, 42 BC, Julius Caesar was posthumously honored as a divinity of the Roman state, known as divus Iulius. This recognition provided Octavian, known as divi filius, or “Son of the Divine,” with a significant boost in stature. Following this, Octavian and Mark Antony mobilized twenty-eight legions and set sail to confront Brutus and Cassius, who had established their stronghold in Greece.

In October of that same year, the pivotal battles of Philippi took place in Macedonia, where the Caesarian forces achieved a decisive victory. The outcome led Brutus and Cassius to take their own lives. Despite the victory, Antony later criticized Octavian’s leadership, claiming the successes at Philippi were largely due to his forces and leadership and disparaging Octavian for delegating command to Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa.

The aftermath of Philippi led to a new division of territories among the Second Triumvirate. Octavian took control of Gaul and Hispania, while Antony moved east to align with Queen Cleopatra in Egypt, a former lover of Caesar and the mother of his son Caesarion. Lepidus was allocated the province of Africa, and Antony’s strategic moves diminished his role.

A major difficulty faced by Octavian back in Italy was finding settlements for tens of thousands of veterans from the Macedonian campaigns. These veterans needed land as part of their discharge promise, and their potential to support Octavian’s political rivals was high if their needs were unmet. With no more government-controlled land available for allotment, Octavian faced a difficult choice: confiscate land from Roman citizens, causing widespread discontent, or risk the loyalty of his veteran forces. He chose to requisition private lands, resulting in as many as eighteen Roman towns experiencing complete or partial evictions of their populations.

Conflict and Alliances in 40 BC

The period following the contentious settlements of Octavian’s soldiers was marked by rising dissatisfaction, which fueled support for Lucius Antonius, the brother of Mark Antony and a favored figure in the Senate. Amidst this turmoil, Octavian ended his marriage to Claudia, daughter of Fulvia (Antony’s wife) and her first husband, Publius Clodius Pulcher, by sending her back to her mother, asserting the marriage was never consummated.

Fulvia, spurred into action by this insult, alongside Lucius Antonius, mobilized an army within Italy to assert Antony’s rights against Octavian. Their opposition led to a siege at Perusia, where they ultimately surrendered to Octavian in early 40 BC. Although Lucius was spared due to his kinship with Antony, Fulvia was exiled to Sicyon. Octavian ordered the execution of 300 Roman senators and equestrians on March 15—the anniversary of Julius Caesar’s assassination—for siding with Lucius. This harsh retribution, which included the pillaging and burning of Perusia, severely tarnished Octavian’s reputation and drew sharp criticism, including from the Augustan poet Sextus Propertius.

Rome was not built in a day, but it was built on the dreams and aspirations of its citizens.

Augustus

During this time, Sextus Pompeius, son of Pompey and a formidable general in his own right, controlled Sicily and Sardinia under an arrangement with the Second Triumvirate from 39 BC. Both Antony and Octavian sought an alliance with Pompeius. Octavian secured a temporary alliance by marrying Scribonia, who was related to Pompeius through her father or brother, Lucius Scribonius Libo. This union, however, was short-lived as Octavian divorced Scribonia on the day she gave birth to Julia, his only natural child, to marry Livia Drusilla shortly after.

Meanwhile, Antony, who had been romantically involved with Cleopatra and fathered three children in Egypt, saw his relationship with Octavian deteriorate further. In 40 BC, Antony left Cleopatra and sailed to Italy with a substantial force to confront Octavian, initiating a siege at Brundisium. However, this conflict was quickly defused as their centurions, influential political players loyal to the Caesarian cause, and their legions refused to engage in combat. The situation was further softened by the sudden death of Fulvia in Sicyon, prompting a reconciliation between the two leaders.

The Treaty of Brundisium was signed in the autumn of 40 BC. This agreement reaffirmed Lepidus’s control over Africa, Antony’s dominion over the East, and Octavian’s governance of the West. It opened the Italian Peninsula for recruitment, a practically futile clause for Antony in the East. To solidify their renewed alliance, Octavian arranged for his sister, Octavia Minor, to marry Antony later that year.

Octavian’s War with Sextus Pompeius

Sextus Pompeius posed a threat to Octavian’s control in Italy by blocking grain shipments from the Mediterranean to the peninsula, using his naval dominance to incite a famine. Leading this naval blockade, Pompeius’s son played a crucial role, and Pompeius himself adopted the moniker “son of Neptune” to signify his command over the seas. The conflict led to the Pact of Misenum in 39 BC, temporarily easing tensions by lifting the blockade. In return, Octavian conceded control of Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily, and the Peloponnese to Pompeius and agreed to support his future consulship in 35 BC.

However, the peace was short-lived. The alliance began deteriorating after Octavian ended his marriage to Scribonia and wed Livia on January 17, 38 BC. The situation escalated when one of Pompeius’s commanders defected, handing Corsica and Sardinia back to Octavian. With limited resources to face Pompeius directly, Octavian agreed to extend the Second Triumvirate for another five years, starting in 37 BC.

Amid these tensions, Antony allied with Octavian, hoping to secure additional support for his military campaigns against the Parthian Empire, which aimed to avenge Rome’s earlier defeat. Antony pledged 120 ships at Tarentum to aid Octavian against Pompeius in exchange for 20,000 legionaries for his eastern campaigns. Octavian, however, only delivered a fraction of the promised troops, straining their alliance.

The conflict culminated in 36 BC when Octavian and Lepidus launched a joint military operation against Sextus in Sicily. Despite initial challenges, Octavian’s forces, commanded by General Agrippa, decisively defeated Pompeius’s fleet at the naval battle of Naulochus on September 3. Sextus fled to the East but was captured and executed in Miletus by one of Antony’s generals the following year.

After their victory, as Lepidus and Octavian accepted Pompeius’s troops’ surrender, Lepidus made a bold move to claim Sicily for himself and ordered Octavian to depart. However, Lepidus’s troops, tired of conflict and enticed by Octavian’s promises, deserted him and joined Octavian. Lepidus was forced to surrender, retaining only his religious role as pontifex maximus while effectively being removed from power and secluded in a villa at Cape Circei.

In the aftermath, the Roman territories were divided, with Octavian taking the West and Antony the East. Octavian focused on securing peace and stability in his domain, settling his veterans outside Italy, and returning 30,000 enslaved people who had joined Pompeius to their Roman owners. To safeguard his return to Rome, Octavian secured immunity from the Senate tribunal for himself, Livia, and Octavia, ensuring their protection and legal sanctity.

The Fall of Antony and Cleopatra: Octavian’s Path to Supreme Power

During Antony’s disastrous campaign against Parthia, his leadership reputation suffered greatly. The mere 2,000 legionaries sent by Octavian were insufficient to bolster his depleted forces. Meanwhile, Cleopatra offered the potential to restore his army to full strength. Antony, deeply involved with Cleopatra, chose to send his wife Octavia back to Rome, a move that Octavian exploited to suggest Antony was forsaking his Roman roots for an “Oriental paramour.”

In 36 BC, Octavian crafted a public image of being less autocratic, proposing ending the civil wars and his role as triumvir if Antony would do the same. Antony’s refusal played into Octavian’s hands, portraying him as the antagonist in the ongoing conflict. Octavian’s position strengthened when Roman troops captured the Kingdom of Armenia in 34 BC, and Antony appointed his son Alexander Helios as ruler, with Cleopatra being acclaimed as “Queen of Kings.” These actions alarmed the Roman Senate, with Octavian arguing that Antony aimed to undermine Rome’s supremacy.

By 33 BC, Octavian, serving again as consul, vehemently criticized Antony in the Senate for distributing titles and territories to Cleopatra and their relatives. The growing rift caused many senators and consuls of that year to defect to Antony. However, Octavian’s cause was bolstered in the autumn of 32 BC when he gained crucial defectors from Antony’s camp, providing him with information that substantiated his accusations against Antony.

Octavian escalated the conflict by forcibly retrieving Antony’s secret will from the Vestal Virgins, exposing it to the Senate. The will proposed distributing Roman territories to his sons and selecting Alexandria for his and Cleopatra’s burial, provoking the Senate to strip Antony of his powers and declare war on Cleopatra.

In 31 BC, Octavian achieved a tactical victory in Greece, with his admiral Agrippa cutting off Antony and Cleopatra’s supply routes, setting the stage for the decisive Battle of Actium on September 2. Despite being outnumbered, Antony’s fleet faced Octavian’s superior naval forces. The battle concluded with Cleopatra and Antony fleeing, leading to their ultimate defeat in Alexandria a year later on August 1, 30 BC, where they both committed suicide—Antony by falling on his sword and Cleopatra by poisoning.

Octavian, who had consistently leveraged his status as Caesar’s heir to advance his political ambitions, heeded the advice that “two Caesars are one too many,” leading to the execution of Caesarion and sparing only Cleopatra’s other children with Antony. Despite his often ruthless tactics, Octavian was noted for showing clemency post-Actium, pardoning many former adversaries, which helped consolidate his power and improve his standing with the Roman populace.

Sole Ruler of Rome

Following the Battle of Actium and the subsequent defeat of Antony and Cleopatra, Octavian found himself in a position to govern the entire Roman Republic. Yet, he recognized that establishing his rule would require careful, gradual accumulation of power. He skillfully navigated this by engaging with the Senate and the public, conscientiously maintaining the facade of upholding Roman republican traditions. Despite his increasing power, he presented himself not as a seeker of dictatorship or monarchy, ensuring his actions aligned with Rome’s republican ideals.

Upon his return to Rome, Octavian, alongside Agrippa, was elected consul by the Senate, affirming his leadership in a formal capacity. However, the long years of civil war had plunged Rome into near anarchy, and there was a palpable reluctance among the populace to accept autocratic rule. Aware of this sentiment, Octavian was careful not to relinquish his power, understanding that doing so could ignite new conflicts among Rome’s ambitious generals.

Octavian’s overarching goal was to restore Rome to a state of peace, legality, and civil order. He aimed to relieve the political strain on judicial proceedings and to ensure that elections were held freely, at least nominally. Through these measures, Octavian sought to stabilize Rome, ensuring its governance remained practical but seemingly traditional in the eyes of its citizens.

The First Settlement of 27 BC

On January 13, 27 BC, Octavian staged an effective political maneuver by ostensibly returning full power to the Roman Senate, relinquishing his control over the Roman provinces and their armies. Despite this gesture, under his consulship, the Senate found its power to initiate legislation curtailed, as they could no longer introduce bills for debate without his approval. Although Octavian formally ceded direct control of the provinces, he maintained the loyalty of both active-duty soldiers and veterans, underpinned by the extensive network of patron-client relationships he had cultivated. His unrivaled financial resources further solidified his influence within the Republic.

Historian Werner Eck articulates the foundation of Octavian’s power: it stemmed from the various official powers the Senate and the people delegated to him, his vast private wealth, and his extensive patronage networks throughout the Empire. These elements fortified his auctoritas, or authoritative influence, which Octavian regarded as central to his political actions.

Despite his official position, Octavian’s influence extended deeply into economic matters. In 20 BC, when the Senate failed to secure enough support for maintaining Italy’s road networks, Octavian assumed direct responsibility, a commitment publicly acknowledged on Roman currency minted in 16 BC following his substantial donations to the aerarium Saturni, the public treasury.

Historian H. H. Scullard, however, emphasizes that Octavian’s true power lay in his predominant military strength, suggesting that the ultimate basis of his authority was force, discreetly masked by constitutional forms. This interpretation was evident when the Senate, recognizing his indispensable role, proposed that Octavian reassume command of the provinces—an explicit acknowledgment of his exceptional powers. Feigning hesitation, Octavian accepted the charge for a ten-year period, ostensibly bringing order to chaotic regions.

The provinces assigned to Octavian included strategic and expansive territories such as Hispania, Gaul, Syria, Cilicia, Cyprus, and Egypt, providing him control over most of Rome’s legions. Although he remained consul in Rome, Octavian appointed senators as his representatives in these provinces to ensure his directives were implemented, maintaining a firm grip on the Empire’s administrative apparatus.

Conversely, the Senate retained governance over regions like North Africa, Illyria, and Macedonia, which were crucial for grain production and military importance, yet controlled only five or six legions. This arrangement allowed the Senate to maintain a semblance of republican governance, even as Octavian wielded substantial power.

Octavian’s strategic distribution of provincial control under the guise of restoring peace and stability followed precedents set in the Republic’s history, akin to the powers previously granted to figures like Pompey during times of crisis. Thus, while promoting a facade of republican normalcy, Octavian effectively laid the groundwork for his unparalleled rule, navigating the delicate balance between apparent constitutional fidelity and the practical difficulties of autocratic governance.

The Ascension of Augustus

On January 16, 27 BC, the Roman Senate bestowed upon Octavian a title that would forever alter the course of history: Augustus. Derived from the Latin augere, meaning “to increase,” the title can be translated as “illustrious one” or “sublime.” This designation carried religious overtones, suggesting a near-divine status rather than a direct political command. It marked a stark departure from his previous title of Romulus, which he had used to echo the legendary founder of Rome. Romulus carried too many connotations of monarchy and kingship, images Octavian was keen to distance himself from as he reshaped Roman governance.

The Senate also formalized his status with the title princeps senatus—originally denoting the most senior member of the Senate, but now evolved into a title akin to that of a reigning monarch, positioning him as the foremost leader of the state. This honorific of Augustus would be inherited by all subsequent emperors, effectively transforming it into the primary title by which Roman emperors would be known, marking what many historians consider the beginning of his imperial reign.

Octavian chose the title Imperator Caesar divi filius, emphasizing his role as a military commander and his divine descent from the now-deified Julius Caesar. This title underscored his connection to Rome’s foundational myths and victories, cementing the Julian family name as a lineage and a perpetual symbol of divine and martial prowess.

In a display of humility or perhaps astute political imagery, Augustus refrained from overt symbols of autocracy such as scepters, diadems, or the ostentatious regalia of Julius Caesar. Instead, his power was subtly signified by the corona civica—a civic crown—placed above his door and laurels that adorned his doorposts, symbols of his leadership and victories. 

Despite his personal renunciation of flamboyant insignia, the Senate awarded him a golden shield, which was placed in the Curia’s meeting hall. The shield was inscribed with words such as “virtue, pietas, clementia, iustitia,” which translates as “valor, piety, clemency, and justice”—each reflecting the ideals Augustus embodied and aspired to instill in his rule.³

The Second Settlement

In January 27 BC, Augustus undertook an important reformation known as the “First Settlement,” publicly restoring power to the Roman Senate and stepping back from direct control over the provinces and their armies. By 23 BC, however, the limitations of this arrangement began to surface, highlighting Augustus’s dominant influence over Roman politics. His continuous election as consul reduced opportunities for others to rise to this preeminent role, signaling his unmatched authority within the state.

Amidst these political maneuvers, Augustus faced internal challenges as he aimed to position his nephew, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, as his successor, which strained his relationships with key supporters such as Agrippa, Maecenas, and Livia. In a surprising political move, he appointed the staunch republican Calpurnius Piso as co-consul in 23 BC, a decision following the unexpected death of his initial choice, Aulus Terentius Varro Murena.

During a severe illness in late spring of that year, Augustus made preparations for a succession to secure the continuity of the principate. He intended to pass his signet ring to his trusted general Agrippa, signaling him as the preferred successor. Yet, he entrusted his co-consul Piso with official documents, public financial accounts, and control over the troops, leaving Marcellus, previously thought to be his favored heir, with nothing. This act confounded many, revealing the complex layers of Augustus’s succession plans.

Success is not always measured in victories, but in the legacy we leave behind.

Augustus

To mitigate any perception of establishing a dynastic rule, Augustus bequeathed only properties and possessions to his heirs, avoiding overt institutionalization of imperial inheritance, which could incite resistance among the republic-minded populace. Despite acknowledging Marcellus’s unpreparedness for leadership, Augustus’s actions with Agrippa were intended to reassure the legions of a stable succession.

In response to these unfolding events and to address the ongoing issues of governance, Augustus enacted the “Second Settlement” in 23 BC. Recognizing the need to formalize his powers without appearing tyrannical, he relinquished his annual consulship to alleviate political tensions and allowed other senators a chance at the position. This move also broadened his patronage opportunities within the Senate.

This period also saw the infamous “Marcus Primus affair,” further complicating Augustus’s position. In 24 or early 23 BC, charges were levied against Marcus Primus, the former proconsul of Macedonia, for initiating an unauthorized war in Thrace. During the trial, it emerged that Primus might have acted under orders believed to have come from Marcellus, implicating Augustus in a severe breach of senatorial authority. This controversy threatened to expose Augustus’s covert control over senatorial provinces, undermining his carefully crafted image as a restorer of the Republic.

Augustus testified at the trial, denying involvement, though his presence and testimony were met with skepticism and outright hostility. Despite Primus’s conviction, the divided jury verdict hinted at doubts about Augustus’s sincerity and integrity.

To clarify and secure his authority, the Senate granted Augustus a renewed and enhanced form of proconsular power, known as “imperium proconsulare maius,” which extended across the entire empire and surpassed the authority of all other proconsuls. This constitutional amendment solidified Augustus’s legal power to intervene in both imperial and senatorial provinces, cementing his role as the paramount authority in the Roman state. In 13 BC, amidst these reforms, Augustus continued to secure the loyalty of Rome’s veterans through generous donations, ensuring his position remained unchallenged.

The Consolidation of Augustus’s Powers

During the Second Settlement, Augustus was granted the lifelong power of a tribune, known as tribunicia potestas, though he did not hold the official title. This authority, which was traditionally reserved for the tribunes of the plebs and closed to patricians—a status Augustus held since his adoption by Julius Caesar—empowered him to summon the Senate and populace, initiate legislation, veto other institutions, preside over elections, and speak first at any public assembly.

Along with these powers, Augustus also assumed roles typically associated with the Roman censor, including overseeing public morals and legal scrutiny to ensure laws served the public interest. He could hold a census and define the Senate’s composition. His blend of tribunician powers with those of a censor was unprecedented in Roman history, marking a significant shift from traditional practices.

Augustus further exercised his censor-like authority by promoting traditional Roman values, such as mandating wearing the toga in the Forum, a symbol of Roman citizenship and moral decorum. Unlike Julius Caesar, whose similar powers did not extend to conducting censuses or setting the senatorial roster, Augustus had a broader scope of control, fundamentally altering the structure of Roman governance.

In a move to consolidate his control within Rome’s sacred boundary, the Pomerium, the Senate decreed that Augustus’s imperium proconsulare maius—a superior form of proconsular power—would not lapse upon entering the city, unlike traditional proconsuls. This decree effectively placed all armed forces in the city under his command, bypassing the usual military authority of urban praetors and consuls.

Furthermore, every military victory during his rule was credited to Augustus, given that he commanded most of Rome’s legions stationed in the imperial provinces through his deputies, the legati. Even if battles occurred in senatorial provinces, his imperium maius allowed him to assume or take credit for any significant military achievements. Consequently, Augustus became the sole figure eligible for a triumph, the ceremonial acknowledgment of a general’s victory, a tradition that harkened back to Romulus, Rome’s mythical first king.

By holding these combined powers indefinitely, with automatic renewals and without the traditional checks and balances of republican times, Augustus established a new political order that centered unprecedented authority on a single individual, forever altering the Roman state. His governance model effectively blended autocratic rule with the outward forms of republican tradition, ensuring his position as Rome’s principal leader until his death.

The Transformation of Governance

In the aftermath of the Second Settlement, the political nuances seemed lost on the plebeian class, who remained some of Augustus’s staunchest supporters. Their misunderstanding led them to demand his periodic active participation in imperial governance. 

Augustus’s decision not to stand for the consulship in 22 BC sparked fears among the populace that the aristocratic Senate was marginalizing him. This resulted in public unrest, with the people allowing only one consul to be elected in the years 22, 21, and 19 BC, reserving the other position for Augustus, should he wish to claim it.⁴

A severe food shortage in 22 BC incited further panic during this period. The plebeians called for Augustus to assume dictatorial powers to manage the crisis. After initially declining in a dramatic refusal before the Senate, Augustus assumed control over Rome’s grain supply through his proconsular authority, quickly resolving the shortage. This crisis led him, in AD 8, to establish the office of praefectus annonae, a dedicated official responsible for Rome’s food supplies.

The expansion of Augustus’s powers was not without its detractors and led to the alleged conspiracy of Fannius Caepio. Castricius revealed information about this plot to Augustus prior to 1 September 22 BC, implicating several, including the outspoken consul Murena, who had previously defended Marcus Primus. Tried in absentia and found guilty of treason by a jury that included Tiberius as a prosecutor, the conspirators were executed without a chance to defend themselves, reflecting the harsh realities of Augustus’s rule despite the maintained appearance of a Republican government.

By 19 BC, the Senate enhanced Augustus’s authority by granting him a form of “general consular imperium,” likely akin to his existing proconsular powers. This allowed him to wield consular authority without holding the office itself. This was complemented by the privilege to wear consular insignia, sit in the consul’s chair, and hold the fasces during Senate sessions, symbolically reinforcing his consular power.

In a religious appointment, Augustus became pontifex maximus following the death of Lepidus in 12 BC, taking on the role of the chief priest of Roman state religion. This further solidified his position at the heart of political and religious Rome. His authority was further cemented on 5 February 2 BC when he was acclaimed pater patriae, or “father of the country,” a title that symbolized his paternal role over the Roman state and its people. These titles and powers underscored the transformation of Roman governance from a republic to a form of veiled monarchy under Augustus, who skillfully balanced the appearance of traditional republican values with the realities of imperial rule.

Augustus’s Measures for Lasting Stability

The Second Settlement was implemented to consolidate power and ensure the principate’s constitutional stability and endurance beyond the life of its first holder, Augustus. His severe illness in early 23 BC, coupled with the threat posed by the Caepio conspiracy, starkly highlighted the precarious nature of a regime dependent on the well-being of a single individual. Augustus’s history of serious ailments underscored this vulnerability, raising concerns that his untimely death might plunge Rome back into the chaos of civil war—a fresh memory for Romans who still vividly recalled the battles of Pharsalus, the Ides of March, the proscriptions, Philippi, and Actium from just a couple of decades earlier.

Augustus arranged for Agrippa to be granted proconsular imperium for five years to mitigate these risks, mirroring his extensive powers. This grant likely extended over the imperial provinces controlled by Augustus, both in the east and west, although it initially may not have included the senatorial provinces, which were traditionally under the Senate’s jurisdiction. This arrangement was intended to safeguard the continuity of governance and prevent any power vacuum that might occur upon his death.

By then, Augustus had amassed a comprehensive suite of powers, marking the culmination of his efforts to create a stable and lasting framework for Roman governance. This strategic distribution of authority was crucial in maintaining peace and stability within the empire, setting a precedent for the governance structures that would characterize the Roman imperial system.

The Expansive Military Campaigns

Under Augustus, Rome’s military prowess reached new heights, notably by the emperor being proclaimed imperator by his troops on 21 occasions following successful battles, as detailed in the fourth chapter of his memoirs, the Res Gestae. This document chronicled his military achievements and his receipt of various honors, underscoring his pivotal role in expanding and securing the Roman Empire.

Augustus championed the vision of Rome as a superior civilization destined to rule the world, a sentiment encapsulated by the poet Virgil’s exhortation: tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento—”Roman, remember to rule the Earth’s peoples with authority!” This imperial mandate was believed to be divinely sanctioned, as evidenced in Virgil’s Aeneid, where Jupiter promises Rome imperium sine fine, “sovereignty without end.”

By the end of his reign, Augustus’s armies had extended Rome’s boundaries considerably. They had subdued northern Hispania, now known as Spain and Portugal, and the Alpine regions, including Raetia and Noricum, corresponding to parts of modern Switzerland, Bavaria, Austria, and Slovenia. The territories of Illyricum and Pannonia, covering parts of present-day Albania, Croatia, Hungary, and Serbia, were also brought under Roman control. Additionally, Judea was annexed into the province of Syria following the deposition of Herod Archelaus, enhancing Roman dominion in the East.

No military action was necessary in 25 BC when Galatia became a Roman province after the demise of Amyntas of Galatia, demonstrating Rome’s expanding influence through diplomatic and opportunistic means.  Consolidating control over Asturias and Cantabria in 19 BC quelled local resistance. It tapped into valuable mineral resources crucial for funding further military campaigns.

The conquest of the Alpine peoples in 16 BC was significant as it provided a strategic buffer against Germanic tribes to the north. Horace commemorated this victory in an ode and by building the Trophy of Augustus near Monaco. Subsequent campaigns led by Tiberius and Nero Claudius Drusus into the territories of the Pannonian tribes and the Germanic tribes along the Rhineland further showcased Roman military strength, although Drusus’s untimely death marked a poignant moment in these conquests.

Augustus also focused on securing Rome’s eastern borders against the Parthian Empire by relying on client states as buffers and deploying a standing Roman army in Syria. His stepson Tiberius played a key diplomatic role, restoring Tigranes V to the Armenian throne. A notable diplomatic success was the negotiation with Phraates IV of Parthia, which saw the return of the Roman standards lost during Crassus’s defeat at Carrhae in 53 BC. This event, while a disappointment to those desiring military revenge, was used by Augustus as powerful propaganda, symbolizing Parthian submission to Roman superiority.

However, Roman military ambitions were checked dramatically in AD 9 at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest, where Arminius of the Cherusci led a devastating ambush that destroyed three Roman legions. This catastrophe marked the end of Roman expansion into Germanic territories, although subsequent campaigns by Tiberius and the general Germanicus reclaimed some dignity by pacifying the region and defeating Arminius in AD 16.

The Final Years of Augustus: Succession and Legacy

The later years of Augustus’s reign were heavily focused on securing the succession and ensuring the empire’s stability beyond his lifetime. A severe illness heightened this concern in 23 BC, bringing the imperial system’s fragility into sharp relief. Augustus understood the necessity of a smooth transition. He sought to achieve this through measured and subtle shifts in power that would not alarm the Senate or suggest a drift toward monarchy.

Initially, there were indications that Augustus favored his sister’s son, Marcellus, who had been swiftly married to Augustus’s daughter, Julia the Elder. However, after Marcellus’s unexpected death in 23 BC, Augustus married Julia to his most trusted general, Marcus Agrippa. This alliance was strengthened by the birth of five children, positioning Agrippa as a potential successor. In a major step, Augustus granted Agrippa a five-year term to govern the empire’s eastern half with proconsular imperium, similar in scope to his own but not superseding it, from a base on the island of Samos.

The focus on succession became clearer when Augustus adopted his grandsons, Gaius and Lucius, sons of Agrippa and Julia, as his children. He introduced them to public life by assuming the consulship in 5 and 2 BC, a role he utilized to bolster their political careers. They were groomed for AD 1 and 4 consulships, marking them as his direct heirs.

In the end, all empires fall. It is the nature of things.

Augustus

In contrast, Augustus’s stepsons from Livia’s previous marriage, Drusus and Tiberius, were also prominent in his plans. After Agrippa died in 12 BC, Tiberius was compelled to marry Julia, linking him more closely to Augustus’s line. Drusus, married to Augustus’s niece Antonia, was deeply integrated into the imperial family. Despite these arrangements, Tiberius temporarily withdrew from politics in 6 BC, retreating to Rhodes for personal and possibly political reasons, including a strained marriage and a perceived sidelining in favor of younger heirs.

The premature deaths of Gaius and Lucius in AD 2 and 4, respectively, and the earlier loss of Drusus in 9 BC dramatically altered the succession landscape, prompting Tiberius’s recall to Rome. In AD 4, Augustus formally adopted him, and he was also required to adopt his nephew Germanicus, ensuring a continuation of the Julian lineage. Tiberius was granted powers equal to Augustus’s, solidifying his status as co-princeps.

Amid these dynastic maneuvers, Augustus also dealt with Agrippa Postumus, his banished grandson. He officially disowned him in AD 7 due to his reportedly brutish behavior, effectively removing him from succession considerations.

Augustus passed away on August 19, AD 14, in Nola, amid rumors of being poisoned by Livia, his wife. While contemporary and later sources speculate about the cause of his death, it was more likely a natural demise, given his advanced age and declining health. His calculated preparation for death aimed to ensure a seamless transition to Tiberius, which included possible scenarios of assisted suicide to synchronize with political necessities.

His last words, “Have I played the part well? Then applaud as I exit,” reflected his life as a ruler who saw his reign as a performance that required affirmation from his audience, the Roman people. A grand funeral procession followed his death, and his ultimate deification cemented his status as a central figure of Roman state religion.⁵

Tiberius treated Augustus posthumously, respectfully, and guardedly, maintaining familial unity despite underlying tensions. This cautious approach underscored the complex dynamics of power, legacy, and respect within the Julio-Claudian family, setting the stage for the next era of Roman leadership under Tiberius.

Final Reflections

Augustus’s biography portrays the extraordinary life of a leader whose vision and leadership transformed the ancient world—his skill in consolidating power and enacting reforms guaranteed the stability and advancement of the Roman Empire. The structures and systems he established have left a lasting impact, shaping modern governance.

Reference List for Augustus’s Biography

1. Suetonius, Gaius Tranquillus. The Twelve Caesars. Translated by John Carew Rolfe, Loeb Classical Library, 1914. ↩︎
2. Lee, Timothy B. “40 Maps That Explain the Roman Empire.” Vox, 19 Aug. 2014. ↩︎
3. Eck, Werner, and Sarolta A. Takács. The Age of Augustus. Translated by Deborah Lucas Schneider, Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 978-0-631-22957-5. ↩︎
4. Dio, Cassius. Roman History. Translated by Earnest Cary, Loeb Classical Library, 1927. ↩︎
5. Eck, Werner, and Sarolta A. Takács. The Age of Augustus. Translated by Deborah Lucas Schneider, Blackwell Publishing, 2003. ISBN 978-0-631-22957-5. ↩︎

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